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Joel Finkel
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  • These career activists
  • In truth, the only “community” they actually represent is that of Democratic politicians, nonprofits, and donors.
  • careerist hustle leadership
  • f the chapter is in peril, it’s due to the fecklessness and incompetence of its own “machine.”
  • n reality, the new guard wants to eviscerate the chapter’s internal democracy and transform it into an appendage of the city’s Democratic machine.
  • . They can’t make explicit what they’re actually fighting over, which is access to jobs and networking opportunities in the city’s sprawling and corrupt “progressive” ecosystem, so they argue about other stuff instead. It’s displacement.
  • In short, Chicago DSA is witnessing a power struggle between two factions of careerists.
  • Rather than build identity-based brokerage processes into its procedures and bylaws, CDSA should recruit more actual working class people.
  • Executive Committee meetings will therefore devolve into exercises in tokenism, as different factions call upon their favorite “racial voices,” or gender voices, or queer voices, or “old” voices (though the latter might not be so bad) to litigate political disagreements in the ritualized language of liberal identity politics.
  • Procedurally entitling certain “voices” in CDSA according to the notion of identity-based “disparate effect” necessarily aligns CDSA with this conservative endgame because it makes two reductive mistakes, implicit in the above provision:
  • Disparitarianism’s endgame is that all identities are equally represented across class positions. Obviously, spokespeople for disparitarianism tend to keep this conservative endgame implicit or unconsidered. 
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