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Kristine Marie Reynaldo
61 articles
My Web Markups - Kristine Marie Reynaldo
  • When a user flags a post on Facebook — whether it's a picture, video or text post — it goes to a little-known division called the "community operations team." In 2010, the sources say, the team had a couple hundred workers in five countries. Facebook found it needed more hands on deck. After trying crowdsourcing solutions like CrowdFlower, the company turned to the consulting firm Accenture to put together a dedicated team of subcontractors. Sources say the team is now several thousand people, with some of the largest offices in Manila, the Philippines, and Warsaw, Poland. Current and former employees of Facebook say that they've observed these subcontractors in action; that they are told to go fast — very fast; that they're evaluated on speed; and that on average, a worker makes a decision about a piece of flagged content once every 10 seconds. Let's do a back-of-the-envelope calculation. Say a worker is doing an eight-hour shift, at the rate of one post per 10 seconds. That means they're clearing 2,880 posts a day per person. When NPR ran these numbers by current and former employees, they said that sounds reasonable.
  • If the sources — who have firsthand knowledge and spoke separately with NPR — are correct, then this may be the biggest editing — aka censorship — operation in the history of media. All the while, Facebook leaders insist they're just running a "platform," free of human judgment. A person who worked on this area of "content management" for Facebook (as an employee, not a subcontractor) says most of the content you see falls neatly into categories that don't need deep reflection: "That's an erect penis. Check." So it's not like the workers are analyzing every single one in detail. The problem is, simple and complex items all go into the same big pile. So, the source says, "you go on autopilot" and don't realize when "you have to use judgment, in a system that doesn't give you the time to make a real judgment."
2 annotations
 internet technology 680
  • most Americans believed in a special manifest destiny for the nation, and this philosophical foundation enabled the United States to spread westward with confidence and moral assuredness. In the early days, territorial expansion had become a vital component of the national character.
  • Many Americans had come to believe that the future prosperity of the nation required it to play an active role in the worldwide scramble for colonial possessions.
  • “The Imperial Era”, is framed by the rise of American power and the ideological pulls of Manifest Destiny and Evangelical Christianity, as well as the economic motivation of industrialization and the need for “open door” control over foreign markets.
  • America is good at overthrowing countries and quite bad at knowing what to do afterwards.
  • It was this tension that fueled foreign policy debates in the latter years of the 19th century and into the early years of the 20th century. The acquisition of the Hawaiian Islands, our entry into the Spanish-American War and the resultant debate over the terms of the Treaty of Paris, the building of the Panama Canal and our ongoing presence in Central American affairs, our entry in World War I and Wilson’s central place in the Versailles treaty provisions all can be seen through the lens of a fifty year foreign policy debate.
  • “Invasions”, of Grenada, Panama, Afghanistan, and Iraq from 1979 to the present, and transition from the Cold War to the War on Terror, focusing on the presidential administrations of Reagan, George Bush Sr. and George W. Bush, the accounts of Panama, Afghanistan and Iraq show when past American interventions started to come back to haunt them, especially in Afghanistan. Kinzer’s book puts the Bush-Iraq fiasco into historical perspective. There are nations out there with natural resources, which America both requires and desires. Any pretext is sufficient to infiltrate such nations and, in the name of democratic reform, appropriate the goods and resources we need to keep capitalism growing at home. It’s a simple solution, determined by a philosophy that needs to be wrapped in political rhetoric that conceals the fact that it is contrary to the social and philosophic precepts on which America itself was founded. It abandons traditional American principles such as individual freedom, dissent, equality, etc.. in order to service our economic needs which promote prosperity by appropriating goods from weaker countries that cannot resist American might. The rubrics of Freedom and Democracy are essential factors in withdrawing democracy and freedom from those nations that resist our appropriation of their natural resources. That has certainly been the case since the end of the l9th century, and to attack what has become “the American way” or try to reverse it is perceived as being deeply un-American. Beginning in Hawaii in 1893, and followed shortly thereafter by Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines, and continuing to the present day in Iraq,America has directly engaged in overthrowing at least thirteen foreign governments in the past 110 years — generally with less than pure motives and usually with disastrous consequences; several times installing US-friendly dictators in place of democratically elected nationalist leaders. It is shocking to see how many times a free and democratically elected government is sacked for pro-democracy reasons and then replaced with a dictator that is friendlier to US interests. Cite This Work To export a reference to this article please select a referencing stye below: APA MLA MLA-7 Harvard Vancouver Wikipedia OSCOLA Essays, UK. (November 2013). Book Review: Overthrown By Stephen Kinzer. Retrieved from https://www.ukessays.com/essays/history/book-review-of-overthrown-by-stephen-kinzer-history-essay.php?vref=1 Copy to Clipboard Reference Copied to Clipboard. "Book Review: Overthrown By Stephen Kinzer." UKEssays.com. 11 2013. All Answers Ltd. 10 2018 <https://www.ukessays.com/essays/history/book-review-of-overthrown-by-stephen-kinzer-history-essay.php?vref=1>. Copy to Clipboard Reference Copied to Clipboard. "Book Review: Overthrown By Stephen Kinzer." All Answers Ltd. ukessays.com, November 2013. Web. 14 October 2018. <https://www.ukessays.com/essays/history/book-review-of-overthrown-by-stephen-kinzer-history-essay.php?vref=1>. Copy to Clipboard Reference Copied to Clipboard. UKEssays. November 2013. Book Review: Overthrown By Stephen Kinzer. [online]. Available from: https://www.ukessays.com/essays/history/book-review-of-overthrown-by-stephen-kinzer-history-essay.php?vref=1 [Accessed 14 October 2018]. Copy to Clipboard Reference Copied to Clipboard. UKEssays. Book Review: Overthrown By Stephen Kinzer [Internet]. November 2013. [Accessed 14 October 2018]; Available from: https://www.ukessays.com/essays/history/book-review-of-overthrown-by-stephen-kinzer-history-essay.php?vref=1. Copy to Clipboard Reference Copied to Clipboard. <ref>{{cite web|last=Essays |first=UK |url=https://www.ukessays.com/essays/history/book-review-of-overthrown-by-stephen-kinzer-history-essay.php?vref=1 |title=Book Review: Overthrown By Stephen Kinzer |publisher=UKEssays.com |date=November 2013 |accessdate=14 October 2018 |location=Nottingham, UK}}</ref> Copy to Clipboard Reference Copied to Clipboard. All Answers ltd, 'Book Review: Overthrown By Stephen Kinzer' (UKEssays.com, October 2018) <https://www.ukessays.com/essays/history/book-review-of-overthrown-by-stephen-kinzer-history-essay.php?vref=1> accessed 14 October 2018 Copy to Clipboard Reference Copied to Clipboard. Video: Discover UK Essays! Need help with your essay? Take a look at what our essay writing service can do for you: Click Here! Dissertation Writing Service Our Dissertation Writing service can help with everything from full dissertations to individual chapters. Marking Service Our Marking Service will help you pick out the areas of your work that need improvement. All Services Fully referenced, delivered on time. Get the extra support you require now. FREE APA Referencing Tool
6 annotations
 unrest and war 654
  • Under the influences of secretary of state John Foster Dulles and national security adviser Henry Kissinger and the administrations of Eisenhower, Kennedy and Nixon and, American leaders hysterically overestimated the threat of Soviet influence around the world and misinterpreted developing countries’ nationalistic impulses to own and control their own resources as evidence of Soviet control and Communist tendencies
  • most Americans believed in a special manifest destiny for the nation, and this philosophical foundation enabled the United States to spread westward with confidence and moral assuredness. In the early days, territorial expansion had become a vital component of the national character.
  • Many Americans had come to believe that the future prosperity of the nation required it to play an active role in the worldwide scramble for colonial possessions.
  • “The Imperial Era”, is framed by the rise of American power and the ideological pulls of Manifest Destiny and Evangelical Christianity, as well as the economic motivation of industrialization and the need for “open door” control over foreign markets.
  • America is good at overthrowing countries and quite bad at knowing what to do afterwards.
  • It was this tension that fueled foreign policy debates in the latter years of the 19th century and into the early years of the 20th century. The acquisition of the Hawaiian Islands, our entry into the Spanish-American War and the resultant debate over the terms of the Treaty of Paris, the building of the Panama Canal and our ongoing presence in Central American affairs, our entry in World War I and Wilson’s central place in the Versailles treaty provisions all can be seen through the lens of a fifty year foreign policy debate.
  • Meanwhile, “Covert Action” skips into more recent territory: the Cold War years from 1953 – 1973, in which regime changes in Iran, Guatemala, South Vietnam and Chile were motivated by the ever present corporate interests as well as a rabidly anti-communist paranoia. Most covert actions undertaken in the four decades after World War II were part of larger policies designed to contain the Soviet Union and other communist countries
  • “Invasions”, of Grenada, Panama, Afghanistan, and Iraq from 1979 to the present, and transition from the Cold War to the War on Terror, focusing on the presidential administrations of Reagan, George Bush Sr. and George W. Bush
  • The rubrics of Freedom and Democracy are essential factors in withdrawing democracy and freedom from those nations that resist our appropriation of their natural resources.
  • There are nations out there with natural resources, which America both requires and desires. Any pretext is sufficient to infiltrate such nations and, in the name of democratic reform, appropriate the goods and resources we need to keep capitalism growing at home. It’s a simple solution, determined by a philosophy that needs to be wrapped in political rhetoric that conceals the fact that it is contrary to the social and philosophic precepts on which America itself was founded.
  • Beginning in Hawaii in 1893, and followed shortly thereafter by Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines, and continuing to the present day in Iraq,America has directly engaged in overthrowing at least thirteen foreign governments in the past 110 years — generally with less than pure motives and usually with disastrous consequences; several times installing US-friendly dictators in place of democratically elected nationalist leaders.
11 annotations
 unrest and war 705
  • It can be more efficient simply to ask “What is the minimum necessary effort required to achieve the goal?” rather than “What is the maximum one can contribute while pursuing the goal?” With that former question in mind, it is useful to meet with your adviser at least every other week and to take notes during each meeting. If appropriate, remind the adviser what tasks were discussed previously, what has been achieved and what will be completed next. Do this consistently and regularly. But beware. The direction you receive from week to week may change, and memories can be short for academics juggling teaching, research, publications and administration.
  • Frankly, it is relatively easy to publish papers. It is difficult to publish significant work that alters your field. Many will view the latter as the nobler course, but the former is surely the practical course. Choose your course wisely.
  • As much as a university selects a student, a student should select an adviser. The personality traits that make for an excellent researcher may not make for an excellent manager; and yet, advisers serve as managers as well as mentors.
  • Working without a grant allows a certain degree of freedom to explore various topics, potentially broadening your experience, but it is more efficient not to have to worry about funding, so aim to work only on a project for which a grant has already been awarded.
  • A source of funding provides three valuable pillars. First, it provides a salary, so you will not need to waste time doing a part-time job that may be unrelated to your research. Second, it means that you have a thoroughly reviewed plan of study. Finally, it entails that the significance of your work has been accepted, presumably by experts in your field.
  • The average PhD supervisor demands the most polished work possible from day one while providing the most minimal guidance.
  • These papers are written and submitted as the various stages of the work are completed. The papers are, in essence, combined to form the thesis. This results in a higher-quality thesis that has been vetted by experts in the appropriate field. However, writing papers takes time, and this is time spent prior to graduation.
  • I forbid my candidates from sharing anything with me on which they have spent more than two weeks. I want half-baked manuscripts. I want paragraphs that are still stubs riddled with spelling errors. But the perfectionism that is rife in academia means that most struggle to comply.
  • for most of the students I’ve dealt with it’s the worry that they’ve not read enough, said enough, or thought enough to have something to share that gets in the way of progression. I can’t comment on the great ideas in your head that you’ve not seen fit to write down for me.
  • teaching while in graduate school can be a drain on time if you are conscientious and wish to do it competently.
  • Towards the end of a graduate career, it can show academic maturity to suggest new ideas and research directions. However, do not pursue these ideas without first extracting input from an adviser because doing so risks unsuccessful work and unnecessary criticism.
  • Money is always a consideration, whether you like it or not, because someone must pay for the organisation that supports you.
  • view each potential thesis chapter as a journal paper
  • writing helped me not only to move towards completion by having something that I could submit, it helped me to sharpen my thinking.
14 annotations
  • “My mental health starts to deteriorate whenever my PhD starts to take over my life and becomes all-encompassing,”
  • Studies show that depression and anxiety are more common among students with an unhealthy work-life balance. Many respondents to my survey recommended having hobbies, especially exercise, to provide some escape from work worries. Supervisors can also help to keep their students from working too hard. Model healthy behaviour: take real vacations, and encourage students to take them, too. Don’t glorify lack of sleep; don’t email students asking them to do things when they’re on vacation; don’t deliberately schedule meetings on Mondays, for which students will have to work through the weekend. Set clear expectations about how hard you expect students to work, and check in to ask whether you’re doing things that unnecessarily stress them.
  • It is also important to be honest about the ubiquity of failure. A year ago, when I had two papers rejected in one week, I took comfort in speaking to a friend who’d had three papers rejected that week. We’d all benefit from more honesty about the fact that research is really hard and that we all spend a lot of time feeling incompetent. Such honesty would help to mitigate impostor syndrome, which is common among PhD candidates, and keep students from feeling, as one survey respondent put it, “like I am the worst student in the group”. Give PhD students older students to confide in about their failures; have panels and online forums where successful students and professors talk specifically about their 
failures. Celebrate honesty about mistakes rather than making students afraid to admit them. After all, as one survey respondent put it: “We are all just advanced primates trying to do our best.”
3 annotations
 homework and study tips 658
  • a given subject area. It is also a chance to test your aptitude for research. Take advantage of it! Research is very different from simply taking courses. If you do not feel excited about doing research
  • possible define your own research project with a view to make a significant and unique scientific contribution.
  • field. When you graduate, the laboratory you graduate from is going to play a role in determining what opportunities exist for your postdoctoral work, either in academia, industry, or other sectors. Your proposed mentor should be very enthusiastic about the project you discuss. If he or she is not, you have the wrong mentor and/or project. At the same time, beware that such enthusiasm, however senior the mentor, may be misplaced as far as your interests are concerned. Gauge the novelty of the research project and potential for high-quality publications by doing your own background check through reading previously published research and talking to other scientists in related areas. Also consider if the project can be reasonably completed in the allocated time for graduation. To propel your career, you want to come out of a higher degree as a recognized individual having made a significant scientific contribution.
  • Take the time to meet your own needs. Graduate school is highly demanding, both mentally and physically. Your health comes first, spend the time being healthy or else you might find yourself spending more time being sick.
  • When you find yourself lost in the details of your research, take a step back and remind yourself of the big picture. Revaluate your hypothesis from time to time to see if it still makes sense, because you may find yourself needing a new one.
  • degree. A career awaits you beyond the laboratory of your graduate student days. Do not prolong moving on to new challenges.
  • A good mentor is there not just to guide you scientifically, but also in your personal development. Remember, they have been there themselves and have likely seen similar issues with earlier students. Take time off to reflect on your future if this is needed. A good mentor will understand that you come first.
  • A career awaits you beyond the laboratory of your graduate student days. Do not prolong moving on to new challenges.
  • The best way to build self-confidence for these otherwise defensive moments is to be prepared and to present your work clearly with a confident display of your expansive knowledgebase of the relevant related work. Do not be intimidated by big names who question your work; counter knowledge with knowledge.
9 annotations
 homework and study tips 674
  • Share function printit(){ if (typeof(continueReading) === typeof(Function)){ continueReading(); } if(window.print) { window.print(); } else { alert('Printing is not supported from your browser.'); } } In this letter, I have written a free essay, below, called An Introduction to 2019 to give you an exciting overview of the coming year. There are lots of new trends that will offer this year a new look and feel, and I knew you would want to be filled in on those interesting details. It certainly will be a more productive year than 2018, and I will show you why in a moment. Before you read my essay on the Year Ahead 2019 found below, I want you to know I am doing two free events in New York in January and one special keynote at the New Life Expo in Deerfield FL, near Boca Raton, on Saturday, February 2. Please come—I want to meet you! On Thursday, January 17, from 6 PM to 8 PM, I will do my FREE event for GUERLAIN at New York’s Bergdorf Goodman in the Palette Restaurant. Artist Izak Zenou, whose stunning work you know from my Year Ahead 2019 Astrological Wall Calendar, will be on hand to sketch in real time. I’ll talk about the importance of the lovely moon in the natal chart to celebrate the introduction of Guerlain’s Meteorites, soft sparkling face powder. (Meteorites makes you look great in selfies—see when you come!) To attend, you must RSVP: 212.872.2734. On Wednesday, January 23, from 6:00 PM to 8:30 PM I’ll be at the Monica Vinader fine jewelry boutique at 151 Spring Street, in New York City’s Soho district. I will speak about the meaning of various precious birthstones and crystals used in Monica’s stunning creations. I will also cover details on the Year Ahead 2019. See Monica Vinader’s website, MonicaVinader.com and readers’ glowing reviews of Monica’s affordably priced jewelry on Yelp. Space is limited, so please RSVP to be on the list: Email SohoNewYork@MonicaVinader.com, or call 646.230.8655. On Saturday, February 2, from 2 PM to 3:45 PM I will speak in Deerfield, near Boca Raton Florida, at the New Life Expo. I will present the keynote speech on The Year Ahead 2019, and we will have plenty of time for questions. If you purchase my book or calendar, as I sign them for you, you can ask me one question that is personal to you. See my website for details (please scroll down on the homepage). Now, let’s get started on our bright new year ahead! An Introduction to the Year Ahead 2019 By Susan Miller A shiny new year is unfolding, and you will be given an exciting blank slate upon which to write another chapter of your life story. Like you, I get excited whenever a New Year comes ‘round because it reminds me of the happy expectations I had for a new school year, with new books, notebooks, and pencils my mother used to buy for me before school started, along with new clothes and shoes to wear. Time is the only natural resource we are given that we cannot get back once it is spent. That’s why we study astrology—to use time well. We are all time travelers, and like anyone taking off on an adventurous journey, we need a map. That is why I wrote my book-a-zine (part magazine, part book, 100 pages) The Year Ahead 2019—to help you plot your course. It may give you ideas of several goals to aim for this year, gleaned from the positions of the planets to your Sun sign. (See below on how to order a copy.) We want a year that will be better, brighter, and easier than the past one. Will this one be like that? In many ways, the answer is yes. Last year was nearly cut exactly in half, with the first part the most productive, for once we came to end of June, Mars began to retrograde (June 25 to August 27), and his little copycat brother, Mercury, did the same (July 25 to August 19). This was unfortunate, because from June 26 to August 27 last year, it was nearly impossible to make solid progress. The eclipses, always harbingers of change, layered their messages over the situation with retrograde Mars in July and August. Just when we thought we were coming out from under this heavy planetary cloud cover, Venus went retrograde (October 3 to November 16), and again, little Dennis-the-Menace Mercury decided to retrograde too, from November 16 to December 6, 2018. It was not until December 6 that we could start to rev up our engines to push forward assertively on goals and dreams, knowing plans would stick. Much of last year was meant to look back and fix what was broken, not move ahead, but that all changes now. Venus, Mars, and Mercury are the three planets we feel the most when retrograde because they orbit closest to earth. Happily, love, beauty, and money-goddess Venus and action-hero Mars will not retrograde even once in 2019. This assures a productive year ahead with plenty of energy and a variety of options. Mercury will retrograde, of course, as he does every 12 weeks or so, so note, Mercury will retrograde during almost all of March, July, and much of November. I have a section on Mercury retrograde in my Year Ahead 2019 book. Of the three, Mars has a very big role to play in helping you launch successful ventures, for he acts as a booster rocket to get big projects into space with a strong orbit. Once the main rocket is in orbit, the booster is no longer needed, so Mars salutes the captain of the rocket ship, spins off, and heads to his next assignment. As you see, Mars adds energy to any strenuous effort. Mars will start the year in Aries and push quickly all the way to Scorpio in 2019, bringing lots of projects and discussions up for planning and launch at a fast clip. Saturn will remain in Capricorn, a placement this teacher-taskmaster planet took up on December 23, 2017, but will move very close to Pluto now in a very rare configuration. On January 12, 2020, Saturn and Pluto will “dock” but will be already close enough to touch beginning in February 2019, and they will remain that way all year. This only happens every 35 to 38 years, so this is a big feature of 2019 and of the coming year, 2020, too. Saturn and Pluto last met in 1947 and 1982. A conjunction is the strongest of all astrological aspects, for it denotes the start of a new cycle. Pluto contains energy and is associated with governments and large, multi-national corporations. He is associated with the masses of people. Saturn sets firm foundations and structures as well. These two planets will be a formidable force. Saturn and Pluto can be akin to two stern parents that hold a united front when parenting their children. When these two planets are friendly and acting as your advocate, as they will be in March, the end of August, mid-September, and the end of December, life is happy and sweet. However, when Saturn and Pluto want to teach us all a lesson, like on April 19 or October 27, it can be maddeningly frustrating with little recourse but to take on a fight with City Hall. Pluto in hard aspect can be known to be unfair, so it’s good to know when to keep your antennae up for times you may want to speak up for yourself. Some astrologers worry that when Saturn and Pluto are together, danger of the rise of totalitarian dictatorship is strong in nations around the world. Admittedly, that could be a concern. Often, planets will test our commitment to certain values, so this year, we may have to fight hard for our belief in democracy.
  • Happily, love, beauty, and money-goddess Venus and action-hero Mars will not retrograde even once in 2019. This assures a productive year ahead with plenty of energy and a variety of options
  • Saturn and Pluto last met in 1947 and 1982. A conjunction is the strongest of all astrological aspects, for it denotes the start of a new cycle. Pluto contains energy and is associated with governments and large, multi-national corporations. He is associated with the masses of people. Saturn sets firm foundations and structures as well. These two planets will be a formidable force.
3 annotations
 shows and events 595
  • Stephen Kinzer’s book, The Brothers, provides a detailed portrait of the Dulles brothers, who dominated foreign policy making in the 1950s and helped transform the CIA from an “intelligence agency that carried out occasional clandestine plots into a global force ceaselessly engaged in paramilitary and regime change campaigns.”Along with Guatemala’s Operation PBSuccess, the brothers orchestrated the overthrow of Mohammed Mossadegh after he threatened to nationalize Iran’s oil industry, backed a separatist rebellion against Indonesia’s socialist prime minister and a vicious counterinsurgency against agrarian reformers in Philippines, molded a secret army in Laos after rigging elections, and built up a police state in South Vietnam after boycotting the Geneva conference. The brothers also sanctioned assassination attempts against Fidel Castro and Patrice Lumumba, trained opium-growing soldiers in an attempt to undermine Maoist China and sent Saudi soldiers into the oil-rich Buraimi Oasis in the Persian Gulf which they sought to wrest control of from Great Britain.
  • To pull all of this off, the brothers bought off congressmen, set up dummy corporations, planted stories in the press, and drummed up fears about the Soviet “threat,” which historians now recognize to have been exaggerated. CIA agent Harry Rositzke wrote that “the image of [the Soviet Union promoted by the Dulles’] was an illusion. The specter of a powerful Russia was remote from the reality of a country weakened by war, with a shattered economy, an overtaxed civilian and military bureaucracy and large areas of civil unrest.”
  • Sharing a similar attitude towards communism, the brothers were imbued with a strict Calvinist upbringing which led them to see the world as an “eternal battleground between saintly and demonic forces” and to believe that “providence had ordained a special global role for the United States.”
  • Kinzer skillfully depicts the Dulles brothers as Machiavellian power brokers who were narrow-minded in their world view, cold in their personal relations and detached from the human consequences of their work.
4 annotations
 unrest and war 743
  • Police officers raping members of the family of suspects is not something new. It's part of the police repertoire of behavior when they deal with suspects. It's part of their supposed efforts to deter drug users and criminals from further using drugs or engaging in crime. Multiple interviews with police officers who had fallen from grace and had been incarcerated have revealed different police strategies. These include: hulidap, patong-kaso, palit-ulo, pitik-gamit, piyansa-laya, tago-pondo, etc. For the uninitiated, hulidap refers to the practice of arresting suspects (huli) and asking for money in exchange for freedom (hold-up); patong-kaso refers to the practice of adding criminal cases of other unarrested suspects to the one who was arrested; palit-ulo is the practice of releasing a suspect if he or she testifies against another suspect; pitik-gamit refers to theft of jewelries, money, and other valuables while effecting a raid or search; tubos-piyansa is the practice of paying “bail” (bribe) to a police officer in exchange for dropping the case; tago-pondo is the practice of not surrendering all the drugs (shabu) that were confiscated in a raid and using the remaining drugs to “plant evidence” on other suspects in other raids. Interviews with former police officers who were in jail or prisons had them admitting that these practices are part of routine. They did not learn this from the academy, they said, “they learn this on the job.”
  • Police officers justify the use of these strategies as a way to exact direct punishment: they realize that the cases of the suspects may eventually be dismissed by the prosecutors or the accused may be acquitted by the judges. Police officers usually complain: "Huli kami nang huli, pinapalaya naman ng korte." (We keep on apprehending suspects but courts release them.) Thus, they take matters into their own hands — to hit the suspects financially, physically, and psychologically. If it happens that they also make money from the practice, that's simply a bonus. The goal really is to deter and exact punishment.
2 annotations
  • the value of the option is “derived” from the underlying asset; in this case, cattle feed, while the asset itself remains untraded.
  • derivatives, “establish pricing relationships that readily convert between different forms of assets. Derivatives blend different forms of capital into a single unit of measure.”
  • the thing being traded — the key currency determining each transaction — is risk
  • The entire productive process is implicated in the financial system in novel ways which are still being made and understood.
  • What other aspects of our lives are being reworked as risk management practices?
  • “risk shifting.”
  • “[w]hat we call identity is certainly an attribute of self that gets bundled, valued and circulated beyond an individual person.”
  • derivatives offer the ability to lock in future prices as a means to manage risk
  • “dividuation” — instead of a singular identity, articulated through the process of individuation, Delueze sees a separation of the underlying individual and their various attributes, analogous to a financial derivative.
  • categories by which people are articulated are those attributes useful to capital
  • For Deleuze, increasingly we are simply constituted points of data mining searches and computer profiles, divorced from any unitary whole.
  • this is where the matching potential of supply and demand comes into its own. You submit these constituent elements into a patented algorithm to be “matched.”
  • the sophistication of the trademarked algorithm is a selling point in itself
  • financial markets have been able to develop products to trade risk and uncertainty
  • And just like the derivatives market, the only way to ensure a “successful” outcome is to continually participate; to trade, to take multiple positions in the market, to hedge your risk, to be constantly active. To only engage in a single conversation with a sole potential suitor is a dangerous game. And so you sit and swipe, and sit and swipe, engaged in an elaborate system of matching, risking, and hedging. And as a result of all this trading the algorithm improves; your chances of a better match improve: “So when you head out on an eHarmony date, you know it will give you butterflies not awkward silences.”
  • derivatives
  • the promise of Internet dating is that it is actually possible to remove risk and, instead, lock in certainty — to know and to be sure.
  • you become implicated in a systemic logic that promotes the dismantling of things into their constituent elements, demands a calculative agenda of commensurability, and rewards the individual management of risk.
  • “the incorporation of financial ways of thinking and acting — often without us knowing it — sees competition and the pricing of everything becoming normalized.
  • And so in our online pursuit of love we are unwittingly cast into what Bryan and Rafferty have dubbed, “capital’s risk project,” whereby “the incorporation of financial ways of thinking and acting — often without us knowing it — sees competition and the pricing of everything becoming normalized.”
  • “big data” — the collection of large amounts of data on users. Big data is increasingly commodified and disseminated in ways useful for capital.
  • it is the logic of the derivative that unites individuals, industries, and the economy as a whole: When your personal information or information about your behavior is sold for marketing or another purpose, it is not the individual person that is being sold but your constituent elements; your interests, characteristics, communications, behaviors, and habits.
  • the point is not to cast aspersion on the love borne from Internet dating or smart phone apps, but to see Internet dating as part of a broader project of the financialized self.
  • Internet dating has turned social relationships — which were once seen as part of the public good and defined by their use value (meeting people, finding partners, sharing photos, etc.) — into financialized commodities. And capital’s risk project is now central to these relationships, both in terms of providing the quantitative data for systemic risk measurement and assessment, and simultaneously promoting a discourse of individual participation in risk hedging behaviors.
  • our happily ever after is good business
  • . Couples from different socioeconomic backgrounds are more risky proposition according to this research. Will your next dating app contain a credit-rating filter?
  • securitization
  • Are we happy to have the palpations of our heart reduced to a strategy of risk management and traded according to an increasingly sophisticated algorithm which also harvests our data?
  • falling in love occurs on that revolutionary plane of the imagination: Love renders the ability “to see another person, to relate to another being, and vice versa, to relate to themselves meaningfully though the other person.”
  • explosion of new financial markets
  • who is left holding the risks for the system as a whole
  • capitalism overcomes its tendency toward stagnation through commodification — the “transformation of relationships, formerly untainted by commerce, into commercial relationships, relationships of exchange, of buying and selling.” This extension of the market provides new channels for investment and profit that help capital avoid recession and depression.
  • The market, particularly during the early days of capitalism, was expanded physically
  • also extended through the reconfiguration of relationships and cultural practices toward the extraction of value and profit.
  • Internet dating can easily be read as the latest example of marketization
  • central to a process of self-commodification
  • The rise of finance — financialization
37 annotations
  • <img class="alignleft size-medium wp-image-35898" src="https://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/stephen-kinzer-true-flag-200x300.jpg" alt="The True Flag by Stephen Kinzer" width="200" height="300" srcset="https://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/stephen-kinzer-true-flag-200x300.jpg 200w, https://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/stephen-kinzer-true-flag-100x150.jpg 100w, https://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/stephen-kinzer-true-flag.jpg 332w" sizes="(max-width: 200px) 100vw, 200px" />It can be argued that ‘empire’ starts with the first movement across the continent by the new United States, incorporating, by various means, Florida, the Louisiana Purchase, the northern half of Mexican territory, and the lands of the native population.
  • focus is on the pivotal years of 1898 to 1901 when the arguments concerning overseas territories focused on the Spanish empire in Cuba, Guam, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and the then sovereign state of Hawaii.
  • The writing is history at its best. Kinzer writes an interesting history with a casual anecdotal style of reading rather than the more common dry textbook style. While doing so he gives the reader a sense of the actual personality and characteristics of each person within the narrative. As the story unwinds, these personality traits become as important as the actual facts of what happened, the latter having devolved form each individual’s interests and intentions.The title highlights Roosevelt and Mark Twain as the prime protagonist/antagonist pair. The history itself presents a significant group on either side: McKinley, Hearst, Lodge, and Roosevelt promoting empire; Hoar, Carnegie, Bryan, and Twain opposing the annexation/conquest of overseas territories.
  • The racist nature of U.S. endeavors runs throughout the discussion, ranging from the idea of “benevolent assimilation” allowing the “blessings of good and stable government … under the free flag of the United States” to “the misguided Filipino” (McKinley), but more strongly worded in the sanctimonious terms of “savage tribes” and from the military commander in the Philippines, a people “in the childhood stage of race development” (Roosevelt).
  • The Filipinos “shall for ages hence bless the American republic” for their “emancipation” not just from another empire, but from the “arrogant rule of a native dictator.” On the other hand, when the fighting became bloody and fierce, the insurrection fighters were attacked as “They assailed our sovereignty” (McKinley), while the anti-imperialists at home became “complicit in the killing of U.S. soldiers” (Roosevelt). Rally ‘round the flag boys.
  • The reality underlying most of the rhetoric was markets, resources, and profits, much as it is today with the U.S. concern for maintaining its petrodollar hegemony. With the U.S. in an economic downturn and millions unemployed (still familiar?), the imperialists argued that “commerce would have to be protected, or imposed on unwilling nations by naval power … [fusing] America’s commercial and strategic interests into a global strategy.” Empire would create “outlets for the surplus” and guarantee America’s “commercial supremacy.” Cuba was already mostly owned by fruit and sugar farmers, and the Philippines represented a market of 10 million citizens who would be educated to the U.S. manner of consumption and also would serve as a stepping stone into Asian markets.
  • The ideas of the U.S. as a moral nation collided with the now consistent idea that “it was foolish to dwell on constitutional niceties when vital interests were concerned.” The concept of forceful morality came into play as it does today. McKinley argued, “Forcible intervention of the United States as a neutral to stop the war [would be] in the cause of humanity.” The imperialists in general “considered war purifying”, and “In their imagined future, humanity would be guided by a virtuous United States and disciplined by American military power.
7 annotations
  • The common wisdom of the time was that if the west allowed any expansion, anywhere, of communism, the surrounding countries, like dominoes, would also fall, one by one, until the goal of communist world domination was met.
  • 1950
  • Both brothers believed strongly in the idea that America should be robustly pro-business, Protestant, and Republican.
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  • The brothers were brought into the government by President Eisenhower, who appointed Foster Secretary of State and Allen as the first director of the CIA. In those positions, the Dulles brothers, working together and often without oversight, set out, among other things, to overthrow the governments of Iran, Guatemala, Viet Nam, Indonesia, Congo, and Cuba.
  • the Cold War, while not caused by the Dulles brothers, was made significantly worse by their missionary zeal and wrong-headed anti-Communism. As Kinzer points out, never before (or since) have the overt (State Department) and covert (CIA) functions of the US government been simultaneously directed by members of the same family.
6 annotations
 unrest and war 656
  • After independence in 1959, Singapore briefly attempted to unify with Malaysia to pursue a leftist strategy of national development via import substitution industrialization. But in 1965, Singapore separated again and joined a handful of small capitalist Asian countries in projects of export-led growth, inviting foreign investment, and promoting labor-intensive light industries to move up the global value chain. They were eventually dubbed the “four tiger” or “little dragon” economies: Taiwanese televisions, South Korean cars, Hong Kong wigs, and Singaporean semiconductors. The “four tigers” era was deemed an economic miracle, marked by relatively egalitarian development and low unemployment. By the late ’70s and ’80s, they were facing diminishing returns. Rather than follow Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan into high-tech manufacturing, Singapore pivoted into invisible exports, offering those other economies the services of accounting, legal work, and management. The government also encouraged Singaporean capital to look abroad and invest in poorer Asian countries such as Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, and China, while it opened the doors for migrant workers from South Asia and other low-wage regions. It has since become a hub for international finance, but new growth has come at the cost of widening inequality. In this sense, Singapore is not a new type of society. A century before Asian industrialization, similar patterns of inequality and patrimonial capitalism animated the celebrated novels about the European bourgeoisie, like Mansfield Park and Buddenbrooks. What those dense family dramas demonstrated was that capitalism is not just a static marketplace but also entails long processes of wealth accumulation marked by different phases and logics. A charitable reading for Crazy Rich Asians is that it is doing for the late 20th-century Chinese diaspora what those novels did for the bourgeoisie of Western Europe.
  • Crazy Rich Asians may conceal its own history, but its story only makes sense as part of a very recent pattern of ascendant wealth across the Pacific Ocean.
  • What the film’s central conflict turns upon is not simply strife between rich and poor, Asian and American, but rather the friction between different forms of accumulation—landed rents, financial interest, industrial profits, et cetera—that are historical in character and can be located throughout the diasporic division of labor that has evolved across Asia the past half-century.
  • These tensions are a palpable reality in everyday life in Asia today, bubbling up periodically in the tabloid press, from the Kyoto locals who deride the recent influx of Chinese tourists as “pollution” to Hong Kong TV commercials in which Chinese actors wear dark makeup to portray Filipina domestic workers. Such economic racism is perhaps the clearest marker of all of modern Asia’s shared resemblances with Europe and America.
  • The conflict between Rachel and Eleanor conveys that strong family bonds are obstacles to empowerment for a new cosmopolitan Chinese diaspora that values individualism and romance. There is an implied historical process here, then, from old Asia as the antithesis of western individualism transformed dramatically into a new Asia embodying the future of capitalism.
  • It is no coincidence that Rachel is a trained economist, the quintessentially Anglo-American discipline. Since its origins as “political economy,” economics has led the modern change against landed wealth as parasitic and unproductive of social (viz., commercial) value, harmful to the general improvement of society.
  • What has it meant in the past, and what does it mean today, to celebrate Asian wealth?
  • If Rachel’s entrepreneurialism represents the promise of social mobility—in the film, she champions microloans as a strategy of uplift for women in the global South—then Eleanor’s aristocratic accumulation of land—perhaps the oldest form of wealth in human history—is conservative by nature.
  • One major difference between the current Asian bourgeoisie and their 19th-century predecessors is that the former has long sought to “catch up” with the latter. European and American wealth was consolidated at the outset of the most prosperous epoch in human history, and Asian societies decades later found themselves forced to expedite the same process through state action and studying foreign languages and technologies. To be powerful in modern Asia has meant having to live a layered life, constantly measuring the development of one’s own society against the putative originals in the north Atlantic.
  • The revenge fantasy is viscerally satisfying to watch on screen. Described on paper, though, it is clear how it points in two different directions within the modern history of Asian wealth: Asian capital’s struggles to establish its legitimacy in the eyes of Europe and the United States, balanced, conversely, by a consistent white fear of the economic power of Asia. The latter emerged at the turn of the 20th century with journalistic warnings of a “Yellow Peril” threatening the “white races.”
  • . Fully participating in this panic was Donald Trump, whose rhetoric in recent years has largely retained the same nativist themes but simply replaced “Japan” with “China” (“they come over here, they sell their cars, their VCRs, they knock the hell out of our companies,” Trump said of Japanese companies in a 1988 interview). It is Chinese investors who personify the threat of invading Asian capital today.
  • need to go beyond the very American, very management-inspired idea of “diversity” that would equate this film with “ethnic” movies centered on Black or Latinx American life. If modern racial categories have historically functioned as a way to make social inequality in market societies appear rooted in nature, then it follows that each of these groups has been typologized in different ways, owing to their different histories. The historic racist narrative of Black Americans was that they were lazy and undeserving of social mobility. The current narrative of Asian Americans is that they are too mobile, drilled in math and piano at an early age, hence unfair competition. This contrast in forms of racism should have been made clear, for instance, once journalists began openly to pit Black against Asian students in education policy debates. In this context, one wonders how the film will be received by the anti-globalization left or right.
  • Such a scenario would validate the natural criticism that Crazy Rich Asians is yet another Hollywood film celebrating the economic elite, made more palatable by its guise of celebrating diversity.
  • The film embodies an effort by the Asian diaspora to assert greater power in Hollywood, but many of them are already powerful economically, something that made both the story and its commercial success possible. It is fully understandable why the Asian diaspora is pushing for a formal equality with the European and American bourgeoisie before them; why the suggestion that Asians cannot also have the good life is a type of double standard or just textbook racism. But the substance of that equality takes the form of a highly destructive social behavior: endless wealth accumulation for its own sake, embodied in finance and real estate. So while the “four tigers” epoch successfully redistributed global wealth in a relatively egalitarian manner—as did other state-driven development projects across Asia, Africa, and the Americas—one fears that the future destiny of the new Asian bourgeoisie is to follow a by-now very old playbook of dynamic growth calcifying into a myopic old guard.
14 annotations
  • Populist anticorruption emerges in response to political systems widely perceived as stuck in the mire of corruption that stains every politician and political party regardless of their ideology. A charismatic outsider untainted by the stain of the establishment appears promising to sweep the system clean purging the corrupt elite that dominate the country, as he — for it is invariably a he — offers a messianic politics of redemption.
  • It set international standards on what counts as corruption, often in line with opening up countries to international capital.
  • Anticorruption plays a central role in anti-politics: the sentiment that politics is no longer a vehicle for meaningful change.
  • Only a party, leader, or movement outside the system — meaning outside “politics”
  • leads to the rise of charismatic authoritarian outsider politicians promising to do away with corruption
  • Anticorruption populism is form of moralism cloaked in the veil of anti-politics; the solution is just to kick the bad guys out of office. Corruption tends to be individualized and personified as some aloof elite or center-left politician becomes the symbol of all that is corrupt and wrong.
  • During the heyday of modernization theory in the 1950s and 1960s, key development theorists such as Samuel Huntington argued that corruption was actually conducive to development, as it could cut red tape and allow markets to operate more smoothly, thus making it easier for multinational corporations to do business. Corruption did not stand outside of the modernization process; rather, it was seen as its inevitable product. As much of the Third World entered the debt crisis of the 1980s and 1990s, in large part as a consequence of being compelled to follow the neoliberal policies set by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund as a condition for loans, the West invoked “corruption” in order to excuse itself of blame for the misery, poverty, and suffering it had inflicted across the world. In this portrayal, impoverished nations’ failure to modernize was not the fault of technocratic experts introducing structural adjustment policies, but these countries’ own endemic corruption, too backwards to adhere international standards.
  • defines it as “behavior(s) that break with the rules governing public officials regarding the pursuit of private interests, such as wealth, power or status.” This curiously overlooks the non-state actors which are usually involved in such corrupt exchanges — the corrupt businessman trying to influence a policymaker through a bribe is let off the hook, as he is reduced to a merely passive role. But this shift in the definitions of corruption reflects a broader move from understanding politics as a sphere of passions and civic virtue to one that sees it as no more than a terrain of competing interests.
  • corruption is more than simply a set of illicit exchanges. Rather, it is a political strategy that specific interests use to capture or influence institutions or the state. It is, in essence, the privatization of public life.
  • At the same time, practices referred to by their opponents in the language of “corruption” can at times play a redistributive role, for instance when patronage is exchanged for votes in the form of infrastructure, state spending, or public housing. This summed up by the famous Brazilian expression, “rouba mas faz” (he robs, but he gets things done). If one is forced to choose between a neoliberal politician who might not be corrupt, but will slash social spending, or a corrupt demagogue who makes sure his community gets something back, can we really say the former is better?
  • orruption tends to thrive amid a culture of impunity and a low degree of development. In the modern era, the remnants of pre-capitalist oligarchies perpetuating personalized sources of power are a major source of corruption in the relations between state and capital. But this tendency is reinforced wherever mass movements are not powerful enough to hold elites accountable.
  • the World Bank
  • Systemic corruption does more than just affect the functioning of institutions. It sparks a cycle of diminishing expectations, producing apathy and political demoralization. If individuals see a political party or movement as “corrupted” and thus unable to effect meaningful change, this cynicism will often lead them to turn back to their own private interests, or at best see politics in purely transactional terms. If political change is impossible, what else is there but to look after your family and your own personal wellbeing?
  • After the collapse of the Soviet Union, corruption came to be seen as the essential obstacle to Third World development. By 1993 anticorruption had been adopted as a key component of international development policy by the World Bank, IMF, and United Nations. Anticorruption policy became centered on something called transparency — meaning, adherence to standards that suit the interests of international capital. Transnational corporations and finance capital’s ease of moving money freely and doing business became the lynchpins of policing corruption.
  • the World Bank decries corruption as the single greatest obstacle to global development. As a result, anticorruption policy has become a standard feature of post–Cold War development projects, institutionalized as a feature of the neoliberal world order. Yet in fact, corruption was not always seen as an impediment to development. Indeed, the shift from corruption being viewed as a domestic issue to it appearing as an international concern is a particular feature of the post–Cold War era.
  • Technocratic anticorruption politics aim to transfer power from the electorate to responsible elites.
16 annotations
  • the workers are very young; they are 18 or 19 and have just left school. [The companies] are recruiting people from the street for these roles. They only request a very low profile of skills, which is basically being able to operate a computer. They are then given three to five days of training, and within that, they have to learn all the guidelines coming from Facebook, Google, YouTube, etc. There are hundreds of examples they have to learn. For example, they have to memorize 37 terror organizations—all their flags, the uniform, the sayings—all in three to five days. They then have to give the guidelines back to the company because they are afraid someone will leak them. Another horrible fact is that the workers only have a few seconds to decide. To fulfill the quota of 25,000 images a day, that means they have three to five seconds on each. You're not able to analyze the text of an image or thoroughly make sure you're making the right decision when you have to review so much content. When you click, you then have another ten options to click based on the reason for deletion—nudity, terrorism, self-harm, etc. They then use the labeling of the content moderators to train the algorithm. Facebook is working very hard to train AI to do the job in the future.
  • There's no psychological preparation for them to do their work. They have a quarterly session where the whole team is brought into one room and a psychologist asks, "Does anyone have a problem?" Of course, everyone is looking at the ground and afraid to talk about their problems because they are afraid to lose their job. It's for a good reason that Facebook is outsourcing work to the Philippines because there's such a big social pressure attached: The salary is not just their own—it's often for their whole family, of up to eight to ten people. It's not easy to leave the job.
  • The list of terrorist organizations that have to be banned on Facebook comes from Homeland Security, but obviously, in different parts of the world, we have very different ideas of who is a terrorist and who is a freedom fighter. This is a lie that Facebook has always stated; that they are a neutral platform, and that they are just a technical tool for the user. It's not true; they are taking editorial decisions every day.
  • It won't be possible for AI to do that kind of job because they can analyze what is in the picture, but what is necessary is reading the context, to interpret what you are seeing. If you see someone fighting, it could be a scene from a play or a film. This sort of thing is something a machine will never be capable of
4 annotations
 business and industrial 680
  • g the marginalised, the algorithms of social media increasingly reward newsfeed screeds and self-reinforcing extreme opinions that garner more likes and shares. That includes Myanmar's wave of popular racism aimed at the Rohingya people, who face genocide. Closer to home, we see the screaming match that passes for political discourse in an increasingly divided US. Ambitious and thorough, "The Cleaners" scrupulously goes round the world talking to journalists, artists, activists from across the political spectrum and many more to highlight these different issues. Turning the spotlight on the internet giants themselves, "The Cleaners" shows excerpts of government hearings from the past 10 years in which Facebook, Google and Twitter representatives duck the hard questions. The filmmakers also manage to get some heavyweight former Silicon Valleyites, including one of the lawyers who testified to the US Senate. She still talks about the "privilege" of working for Google, but there are cracks in the facade. Asked about Facebook's role in government censorship in Turkey, she replies, "I ... did not love that solution." Compared to the circumspect obfuscation emanating from social networks throughout the film, that feels like a devastating admission.  How much longer can Facebook and Google and the rest claim to have no control or responsibility over the content they beam into our lives? "The Cleaners" does an exceptional job of summing up the issues surrounding social media. We don't yet know how we're going to clean up this mess, but the film is packed with pressing questions faced by internet giants, governments, and you and me. When democracy, transparency and debate are deleted, we can't ignore it. 87 2018 sci-fi, fantasy and geek movies to get excited about iHate: CNET looks at how intolerance is taking over the internet. Special Reports: CNET's in-depth features in one place. TaboolaTaboolaSponsored Links by Sponsored Links by Promoted LinksPromoted LinksYOU MAY ALSO LIKE<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by NextAdvisor</dt>An Insane Credit Card Charging 0% Interest Until Nearly 2020Sponsored by NextAdvisor<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by Microsoft Azure</dt>Here’s What Makes An Azure Free Account So Valuable...Sponsored by Microsoft Azure<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by Tophatter</dt>It's Like Amazon, But Everything Sells in 90 SecondsSponsored by Tophatter<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by Dollarfreedom | LendingTree Mortgage Quotes</dt>How To Pay Off Your House ASAP (So Simple It's Unbelievable)Sponsored by Dollarfreedom | LendingTree Mortgage Quotes Share your voice Post a comment Tags TV and Movies Digital Media Mark Zuckerberg Facebook Google Twitter Alphabet Inc. Donald Trump xplayer version2.9.1stream typeHLSplayback state1duration120.6current time59.12buffer length120.59average dropped (fps)0.00playback framerate (fps)26.79switching modeautotransition statecompletestart index bitrate (B/s)-0.00kcurrent index bitrate (B/s)544.92kcurrent bandwidth (B/s)52.35kdidn't have social media, I wouldn't be able to get Replay video Large play-pause toggle 'The Cleaners' documentary shows who's... AutoplayOnOff 00:59 02:01 Settings Play Sound Learn More
  • Enlarge ImageThe psychological impact on social media moderators is just the start. Sundance But the psychological impact on the watchers of this stream of horror is just the start.  "The Cleaners" expands to look at the effects of social media on the world, asking tough question after tough question. We see Mark Zuckerberg speechifying about connecting the world. The filmmakers then take us to Turkey, Myanmar and the Philippines, where authoritarian governments crack down on political opposition -- and social media giants help them delete dissenting voices.It seems reasonable, for example, for YouTube to delete videos depicting shocking real-life violence. But what about when that video shows the moment an illegal airstrike flattens a hospital? When citizens of war-torn countries can't show the world the atrocities going on in their country, those who drop bombs on schools get away with it. When reports from the frontline are deleted, the world can ignore the conflict. At the same time as potentially silencing the marginalised, the algorithms of social media increasingly reward newsfeed screeds and self-reinforcing extreme opinions that garner more likes and shares. That includes Myanmar's wave of popular racism aimed at the Rohingya people, who face genocide. Closer to home, we see the screaming match that passes for political discourse in an increasingly divided US. Ambitious and thorough, "The Cleaners" scrupulously goes round the world talking to journalists, artists, activists from across the political spectrum and many more to highlight these different issues. Turning the spotlight on the internet giants themselves, "The Cleaners" shows excerpts of government hearings from the past 10 years in which Facebook, Google and Twitter representatives duck the hard questions. The filmmakers also manage to get some heavyweight former Silicon Valleyites, including one of the lawyers who testified to the US Senate. She still talks about the "privilege" of working for Google, but there are cracks in the facade. Asked about Facebook's role in government censorship in Turkey, she replies, "I ... did not love that solution." Compared to the circumspect obfuscation emanating from social networks throughout the film, that feels like a devastating admission.  How much longer can Facebook and Google and the rest claim to have no control or responsibility over the content they beam into our lives? "The Cleaners" does an exceptional job of summing up the issues surrounding social media. We don't yet know how we're going to clean up this mess, but the film is packed with pressing questions faced by internet giants, governments, and you and me. When democracy, transparency and debate are deleted, we can't ignore it. 87 2018 sci-fi, fantasy and geek movies to get excited about iHate: CNET looks at how intolerance is taking over the internet. Special Reports: CNET's in-depth features in one place. TaboolaTaboolaSponsored Links by Sponsored Links by Promoted LinksPromoted LinksYOU MAY ALSO LIKE<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by NextAdvisor</dt>An Insane Credit Card Charging 0% Interest Until Nearly 2020Sponsored by NextAdvisor<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by Microsoft Azure</dt>Here’s What Makes An Azure Free Account So Valuable...Sponsored by Microsoft Azure<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by Tophatter</dt>It's Like Amazon, But Everything Sells in 90 SecondsSponsored by Tophatter<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by Dollarfreedom | LendingTree Mortgage Quotes</dt>How To Pay Off Your House ASAP (So Simple It's Unbelievable)Sponsored by Dollarfreedom | LendingTree Mortgage Quotes Share your voice Post a comment Tags TV and Movies Digital Media Mark Zuckerberg Facebook Google Twitter Alphabet Inc. Donald Trump xplayer version2.9.1stream typeHLSplayback state1duration120.6current time82.41buffer length120.59average dropped (fps)0.00playback framerate (fps)26.79switching modeautotransition statecompletestart index bitrate (B/s)-0.00kcurrent index bitrate (B/s)544.92kcurrent bandwidth (B/s)52.35kstay up and what must be taken down. Delete. Delete. Replay video Large play-pause toggle 'The Cleaners' documentary shows who's... AutoplayOnOff 01:22 02:01 Settings Play Sound Learn More
  • "I've seen hundreds of beheadings", intones one anonymous cleaner in a flat voice. They watch suicides happening live, sickening videos showing children being sexually abused, appalling footage of carnage from war zones. Some would rather sift through garbage of a more physical kind -- scavenging the local dump -- rather than look at one more awful video. Others, the film tells us, end their own lives. Delete or ignore? Enlarge ImageThe psychological impact on social media moderators is just the start. Sundance But the psychological impact on the watchers of this stream of horror is just the start.  "The Cleaners" expands to look at the effects of social media on the world, asking tough question after tough question. We see Mark Zuckerberg speechifying about connecting the world. The filmmakers then take us to Turkey, Myanmar and the Philippines, where authoritarian governments crack down on political opposition -- and social media giants help them delete dissenting voices.It seems reasonable, for example, for YouTube to delete videos depicting shocking real-life violence. But what about when that video shows the moment an illegal airstrike flattens a hospital? When citizens of war-torn countries can't show the world the atrocities going on in their country, those who drop bombs on schools get away with it. When reports from the frontline are deleted, the world can ignore the conflict. At the same time as potentially silencing the marginalised, the algorithms of social media increasingly reward newsfeed screeds and self-reinforcing extreme opinions that garner more likes and shares. That includes Myanmar's wave of popular racism aimed at the Rohingya people, who face genocide. Closer to home, we see the screaming match that passes for political discourse in an increasingly divided US. Ambitious and thorough, "The Cleaners" scrupulously goes round the world talking to journalists, artists, activists from across the political spectrum and many more to highlight these different issues. Turning the spotlight on the internet giants themselves, "The Cleaners" shows excerpts of government hearings from the past 10 years in which Facebook, Google and Twitter representatives duck the hard questions. The filmmakers also manage to get some heavyweight former Silicon Valleyites, including one of the lawyers who testified to the US Senate. She still talks about the "privilege" of working for Google, but there are cracks in the facade. Asked about Facebook's role in government censorship in Turkey, she replies, "I ... did not love that solution." Compared to the circumspect obfuscation emanating from social networks throughout the film, that feels like a devastating admission.  How much longer can Facebook and Google and the rest claim to have no control or responsibility over the content they beam into our lives? "The Cleaners" does an exceptional job of summing up the issues surrounding social media. We don't yet know how we're going to clean up this mess, but the film is packed with pressing questions faced by internet giants, governments, and you and me. When democracy, transparency and debate are deleted, we can't ignore it. 87 2018 sci-fi, fantasy and geek movies to get excited about iHate: CNET looks at how intolerance is taking over the internet. Special Reports: CNET's in-depth features in one place. TaboolaTaboolaSponsored Links by Sponsored Links by Promoted LinksPromoted LinksYOU MAY ALSO LIKE<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by NextAdvisor</dt>An Insane Credit Card Charging 0% Interest Until Nearly 2020Sponsored by NextAdvisor<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by Microsoft Azure</dt>Here’s What Makes An Azure Free Account So Valuable...Sponsored by Microsoft Azure<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by Tophatter</dt>It's Like Amazon, But Everything Sells in 90 SecondsSponsored by Tophatter<dt style="display:inline">Sponsored by Dollarfreedom | LendingTree Mortgage Quotes</dt>How To Pay Off Your House ASAP (So Simple It's Unbelievable)Sponsored by Dollarfreedom | LendingTree Mortgage Quotes Share your voice Post a comment Tags TV and Movies Digital Media Mark Zuckerberg Facebook Google Twitter Alphabet Inc. Donald Trump xplayer version2.9.1stream typeHLSplayback state1duration120.6current time82.41buffer length120.59average dropped (fps)0.00playback framerate (fps)26.79switching modeautotransition statecompletestart index bitrate (B/s)-0.00kcurrent index bitrate (B/s)544.92kcurrent bandwidth (B/s)52.35kstay up and what must be taken down. Delete. Delete. Replay video Large play-pause toggle 'The Cleaners' documentary shows who's... AutoplayOnOff 01:22 02:01 Settings Play Sound Learn More
  • "The Cleaners" expands to look at the effects of social media on the world, asking tough question after tough question. We see Mark Zuckerberg speechifying about connecting the world. The filmmakers then take us to Turkey, Myanmar and the Philippines, where authoritarian governments crack down on political opposition -- and social media giants help them delete dissenting voices.It seems reasonable, for example, for YouTube to delete videos depicting shocking real-life violence. But what about when that video shows the moment an illegal airstrike flattens a hospital? When citizens of war-torn countries can't show the world the atrocities going on in their country, those who drop bombs on schools get away with it. When reports from the frontline are deleted, the world can ignore the conflict. At the same time as potentially silencing the marginalised, the algorithms of social media increasingly reward newsfeed screeds and self-reinforcing extreme opinions that garner more likes and shares. That includes Myanmar's wave of popular racism aimed at the Rohingya people, who face genocide. Closer to home, we see the screaming match that passes for political discourse in an increasingly divided US. Ambitious and thorough, "The Cleaners" scrupulously goes round the world talking to journalists, artists, activists from across the political spectrum and many more to highlight these different issues.
4 annotations
 children 556
  • no matter what rhetoric they spout, these tech giants are capitalistic endeavors first and foremost, and as a result are simply refusing to acknowledge the negative impact they’re having upon our larger culture because doing so would be bad for business.
  • Silicon Valley companies that espouse the power of global communities and open sharing also voluntarily censor their own services at the behest of governments like Turkey, essentially undermining their own stated ethics in the name of gaining a foothold in a new market. Facebook serves as a primary news source for citizens in Myanmar, but the adoption of the platform by hate groups has led to increased violence against refugees there — something that the company apparently doesn’t feel compelled to address. And then there’s the polarization that’s simply become part of the political landscape here in the United States.
  • Simply put, it’s how social networking platforms have created a feedback loop that is irrevocably harming our real-world social fabric. Riesewieck and Block pull in journalists, ethicists, and former employees of various tech companies to offer a macro perspective on how the platforms have been designed, and what impact they are actually having upon our global discourse. The filmmakers also thread in footage from the Senate hearings held last year with the top legal executives from Facebook, Google, and Twitter. The latter ends up playing like a lot of obfuscation and hand-waving on the part of the tech companies — but as the film explains, there’s a reason for that. It’s because the platforms in question have been expressly designed to generate interest and engagement above all else, and it’s in a platform’s best interests to never show a user news or information that would truly challenge their world view or turn them off, leading to insular bubbles where people are only fed the information they already want to see. Compounding that is the fact that outrage is awfully good at generating engagement, so we’re faced with a situation where these platforms have become algorithmically tuned to inspire and provoke as much extreme behavior as possible. On top of that is the idea that the cleaners themselves are tasked with turning what should be complex, nuanced questions — Is artist Illma Gore’s painting of a nude Donald Trump protected political speech, or an act of bullying, as one cleaner claims? — into the simplistic buckets of “ignore” and “delete”. The result is a system that renders the broader population angry, incited, and utterly ill-informed.
3 annotations
  • a conjunctural space, a historically constituted discursive space.
  • side-stepping the anti-essentialist presentism that reads the past as a naive or mistaken version of the present.
  • a “problem-space”
  • this is enormously important for reconceiving the point of an historically informed criticism, and in particular for emplotting a relation between past, present and future. Tragedy reorients us away from any assumption that that relation can be organized as a steadily rising curve, it orients us away from the assumption that the future can be guaranteed by the pasts accumulated in the present.
  • Perhaps the clearest—because most programmatic—statement of the narrative of anti-colonialrevolutionary romance is Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth.
  • there are, needless to say, many dimensions to the “failure” of the postcolonial project – imperialism, globalization and so on. But one dimension about which I have written in the case of Jamaica has to do with the dream of cultural-political consensus dreamt by the brown middle-class leadership of the liberal nationalists and the Marxist-Leninist left alike. With differing degrees of doctrinal emphasis, both the liberals and the left imagined a postcolonial state which could impose a single standard of moral and civilizational value, a single idiom of rationality, and a single horizon of ends toward which the population as a whole was obliged to head. E pluribus Unum: out of many, one.
  • because action in tragedy is not guaranteed in this way by a progressive dialectical resolution, it is more willing to honor our openness to contingency, our vulnerability to luck and chance; it is more willing to recognize the frailty of will, and the dark underside of mastery, the reversibility of all achievements.
  •  As I’ve just said, I am very much a child of this narrative of revolutionary romance. So if I am critical of it I think of this criticism as part of an effort to think against what I find in myself, to wonder out loud about my own absorption of a certain story of who we are, where we are, how we got here and where we might be headed. So “critical” yes—but not, I hope, in a purely destructive way
  • In this narrative, then, the end is virtually guaranteed at the beginning in a teleological fashion. The path may not be entirely uninterrupted and untroubled, but the direction is clear, and the end, however far, is undoubted.
  • we should not take Toussaint’s “errors” as stemming from some moral lapse or an egregious impoverishment of character, like an infatuation with Europe.
  • emplotment, the plotting of a story such that it reads as a story of a particular kind
  • hamartia or “tragic flaw”
  • to belabor this is to lose sight of something else, namely that Toussaint’s dilemma was a constituent aspect of the modernity into which he was born and which had made him the subject/object of modern colonial power he was. The choice before him—either a return to slavery or a future without France—were sides of a single colonial modernity he had not chosen, but within which it was his fate to choose.
  • was a fundamental threat to the brown ­middle-class consensus, and had, consequently, to be managed, to be overcome, to be ordered, expelled, repressed rather than enabled, sheltered, engaged and accommodated.
  • Conscripts of Modernity, proposes not that we give better answers to the old questions, but that the questions themselves are no longer relevant—because they belong to a different “problem space” and need to be radically refashioned. Since our questions about the present depend on how the historical past is constructed in relation to them, we need to narrate the relation of past to present differently in order to highlight different aspects.
  •  The narrative or revolutionary romance has a fairly recognizable structure, momentum and direction. It typically begins with a dark age of oppression and domination. This is followed by the emergence of the great struggle against that oppression and domination,
  • I am old enough to have believed in the 1970s, but I am also young enough to be skeptical of the mythology of the narrative of emancipation and to be able to cast an impassive eye on its rhetorical structure.
  • no one now has any confidence in that dream. Not the new black middle class who are accumulating political power, and doubtlessly not the black poor who are using all the loopholes of the fractured and corrupt state and the weak and globalized economy to make do. And that old brown middle class, now declining in moral authority, swings between urgent demands for a more no-nonsense and authoritarian policing and plaintively bewailing the collapse of civil society.
  •  Conscripts of Modernity is not concerned with figuring out or contributing to the discussion of “what went wrong”
  • But you’ve asked me what went wrong with that project of radical national sovereignty.
  • moving steadily and assuredly toward the final overcoming
  • Difference
  • the issue for me is not that the narrative or revolutionary romance got its history wrong. I want, strenuously, to give up this way of reading history and conducting criticism.
  • But let’s say that we live in a present in which that revolutionary horizon of overcoming evaporates as a future we can aspire to? In my view that way of narrating the connection between past and future loses its critical force. I think we in fact live in such a present. And consequently I think that we need a narrative that connects past, present, and future in other ways than does the revolutionary romance.
  • the past and its relation to the present is constructed so as to ensure the narrative resolution of an already predicted future. As I’ve said, revolutionary romance presupposes a horizon of overcoming
  • Tragedy
  • tragedy, not romance, offers a “reorienting of our understanding of the politics and ethics of the postcolonial present.”
  • “content of the form” of narrative
  • , and therefore the one cannot give way seamlessly to the other in a final triumphant resolution.
  • offers no such consolations
  • So for these reasons tragedy seems to me an especially appropriate mode of emplotment for an historical moment in which the guarantee of former futures has waned, in which the great narratives of emancipation have become, at best, enfeebled. As I say in Conscripts, I think we live in tragic times less because of the heaps of catastrophes growing around us (political disasters like Iraq, Palestine or Darfur, or “acts of God” such as Hurricane Ivan’s devastation of Grenada), than because of the out-of-jointness between our former languages of opposition, hope, and change, and the world they were meant to criticize.
  • The moral conflict is such that good and evil are not so cleanly separate, are often embodied in the same individual
  • DS The idea of a “problem-space” grows I think out of my reading of R. G. Collingwood and Quentin Skinner, though in the background of it you can certainly discern the trace of Wittgenstein, J. L. Austin and Foucault. Essentially, I am after a way of grappling with “context” that avoids a narrow sociologism or historicism in which you get a lot of backdrop but little sense of the way these shape the discursive and non-discursive action with which you are interested. And I am looking for a way of side-stepping the anti-essentialist presentism that reads the past as a naive or mistaken version of the present.
  • I am after a way of grappling with “context” that avoids a narrow sociologism or historicism in which you get a lot of backdrop but little sense of the way these shape the discursive and non-discursive action with which you are interested.
  • “problem-space”
  • defined by
  • a complex of statements, propositions, resolutions and arguments offered in answer to largely implicit questions or problems.
  • these statements and so on are moves in a field or space of argument, and to understand them requires reconstructing that space of problems that elicited them.
  • I found myself looking back at James looking toward me and thinking that I inhabit as a dead-end present the postcolonial future he lived as a fervent expectation and hope.
  • get a feel for the cognitive and ideological world of questions out of which they fashioned their expectations and hopes.
  • “Tranquillity today is either innate, the philistine, or to be acquired only by the deliberate doping of the personality. It was in a seaside suburb that could be heard most clearly and insistently the booming of Franco’s heavy artillery, the rattle of Stalin’s firing squads, and the fierce shrill turmoil of the revolutionary movement striving for clarity and influence. This book is of it, with something of the fever and the fret. Nor does the writer regret it. The book is the history of a revolution and written under different circumstances it would have been a different, but not necessarily a better book.”
  • craft of writing the past in—and for—the present.
  • what has interested me is the “resistance” narrative in which the story of New World slavery is now conventionally cast
  • Whereas the earlier story belongs to the familiar resistance narrative of slavery-as-repressive-power
  • Within
  • But what if the horizon (of new nationhood, or socialism) toward which that story of overcoming urged—in which a denied past is linked to an entitled future—has faded? What if that past no longer serves to guarantee the opening of an emancipated future?
  • the resistance narratives of modernity, that is, the subaltern or alternative modernities narrative),
  • it is modernity and “the paradoxes of colonial enlightenment,” rather than the legacies of slavery and what you call “an Africa-centered or subaltern moral and cultural story,” which provides the fundamental conditions for understanding the present?
  • I don’t want to be read as seeking to diminish the significance of slavery and its post-emancipation legacy for understanding the relation between the colonial past and our postcolonial present. What I want to do, rather, is re-position slavery, and in doing so alter somewhat the critical conceptual labor “the question of slavery” performs for us in our interpretive work today.
  • Slavery is pictured largely as a structure of negating or repressive power, a power that denied the slave agency, humanity, dignity, not to mention rights and resources of various sorts.
  • that characterization functions partly to enable, on the one hand, the criticism of a racist and colonialist story of the passivity of the black slave or the merciful civilization that slavery bestowed, and on the other, the telling of a powerful story (a powerfully and admirably humanist story, I should say) of survival, agency, resistance and overcoming.
  • The colonial slave on an eighteenth century sugar plantation was a modern subject, the subject of modern technologies of subjectification and domination, and a subject of modern desire and expectation.
  • that productive power—a power that shapes aptitudes, dispositions, conditions of learning and so on—is emphatically modern
  • the later story underlines something else, namely, the power that produced the subjects of a distinctive civilization—a power, in other words, that didn’t only negate (“demoralize” is the word James uses here) the humanity of the slave, but contributed to structuring and shaping the conditions of a particular form of humanity.
  • the Enlightenment and the French Revolution mark the decisive shift between the past and modernity itself
  • his interrogation of modernity, Europe’s modernity, has to have implications for how we think of the transformations that modernity produced in the worlds it colonized
  • Foucauldian idea of a “history of the present” with which Conscripts is concerned.
  • histories of the past ought to be interventions in the present, strategic interrogations of the present’s norms as a way of helping us to glimpse the possibilities for an alternative future
  • we need to unpack the idea of a “history of the present” so that we can specify more clearly what present it is that any reconstructed past is meant to illuminate.
  • More trenchantly perhaps, I am aware of the limits of Foucauldian genealogy in producing a politics properly speaking, politics understood as the affirmative settlement (however provisional) of the shape and boundaries of a community.
  • genealogy is best understood as a mode of ethicality, that is, a way of being responsive to the drive or inclination to closure in any political ordering, and helps us sustain a de-familiarizing and pluralizing ethos. But ethicality alone won’t produce politics
  • trying to get clearer in my mind what to do with the inherited anti-colonial narratives of revolutionary romance
62 annotations
 social science 756
  • déjà disparu
  • “the feeling that what is new and unique about the situation is always already gone, and we are left holding a handful of clichés, or a cluster of memories of what has never been.”
  • Ackbar Abbas is the author of some of the most influential texts on Hong Kong culture and literature, but he is not as fond of the act of writing as one might expect. Though he denies it, this might have something to do with the fact that he can’t type, having to turn around essays using the arduous method of pen meeting paper. An academic now based in California, he sometimes returns to Hong Kong, where “he was born, raised and corrupted,” as he puts it. He is often sought out to give talks on his trailblazing studies into the city’s fragile cultural identity. Kindhearted and chatty, Abbas prefers giving lectures over what he describes of as the “painful” process of writing, which involves facing the unknown. “I struggle with it, I do it, I only write when I have to, and it’s always last minute, but that’s how it works,” he says. “I can’t enjoy it.” By contrast, teaching gives him pleasure. In his classes he’ll thumb through messy, multilayered piles of handwritten papers. He reads with clarity, but is occasionally tripped up by his own hand. Technophiles might disagree, but to Abbas, the physical process of writing trumps that of typing. “When I read what I have handwritten, I see the twists and the turns,” he says over a 7am breakfast in Sheung Wan, where he is staying at a small hotel near the neighbourhood in which he grew up. “It allows you to trace the whole history of your struggle.” Abbas is on sabbatical from his posting as professor of comparative literature at Irvine University in California, in a sprawling, pedestrian-adverse city where finding a typist is a struggle. Around thirty handwritten essays languish at home, the unpublished spawn of an uneasy labour. Many know him as the author of the influential 1997 book Hong Kong: Culture and Politics of Disappearance, which was produced on notepads and the pens that Abbas likes to collect, alongside vintage and fake watches. In that seminal book, Abbas uses certain concepts of nostalgia, forgetting and collective memory to examine the mercurial beast that is Hong Kong’s identity.  It introduced the idea of the déjà disparu to the subject of the city’s identity in the aftermath of the 1984 Sino-British declaration, which paved the way to the 1997 handover to China. Abbas defines déjà disparu as “the feeling that what is new and unique about the situation is always already gone, and we are left holding a handful of clichés, or a cluster of memories of what has never been.” It’s a concept that still has resonance today, in Hong Kong and abroad. Multimedia artist Adrian Wong explores it by playing with clichés in Hong Kong cinema and TV, filmmaker Jenny Suen cites Abbas as an influence for her film The White Girl, and the fictional tales of Dung Kai-cheung invoke certain sentiments of a futile grasping after that which eludes. “Fo
  • stories about Hong Kong have always been stories about elsewhere,”
  • dislocated space, which finds expression in these films, has become increasingly pervasive thanks to the effects of globalisation
  • In Chungking Express, the local has a dislocated quality to it, and exactly because of that, the local has a kind of appeal to people elsewhere, so when they look at this local, it will reverberate to their own sense of local in other big cities
  • Ackbar Abbas is the author of some of the most influential texts on Hong Kong culture and literature, but he is not as fond of the act of writing as one might expect. Though he denies it, this might have something to do with the fact that he can’t type, having to turn around essays using the arduous method of pen meeting paper. An academic now based in California, he sometimes returns to Hong Kong, where “he was born, raised and corrupted,” as he puts it. He is often sought out to give talks on his trailblazing studies into the city’s fragile cultural identity. Kindhearted and chatty, Abbas prefers giving lectures over what he describes of as the “painful” process of writing, which involves facing the unknown. “I struggle with it, I do it, I only write when I have to, and it’s always last minute, but that’s how it works,” he says. “I can’t enjoy it.” By contrast, teaching gives him pleasure. In his classes he’ll thumb through messy, multilayered piles of handwritten papers. He reads with clarity, but is occasionally tripped up by his own hand. Technophiles might disagree, but to Abbas, the physical process of writing trumps that of typing. “When I read what I have handwritten, I see the twists and the turns,” he says over a 7am breakfast in Sheung Wan, where he is staying at a small hotel near the neighbourhood in which he grew up. “It allows you to trace the whole history of your struggle.” Abbas is on sabbatical from his posting as professor of comparative literature at Irvine University in California, in a sprawling, pedestrian-adverse city where finding a typist is a struggle. Around thirty handwritten essays languish at home, the unpublished spawn of an uneasy labour. Many know him as the author of the influential 1997 book Hong Kong: Culture and Politics of Disappearance, which was produced on notepads and the pens that Abbas likes to collect, alongside vintage and fake watches. In that seminal book, Abbas uses certain concepts of nostalgia, forgetting and collective memory to examine the mercurial beast that is Hong Kong’s identity.  It introduced the idea of the déjà disparu to the subject of the city’s identity in the aftermath of the 1984 Sino-British declaration, which paved the way to the 1997 handover to China. Abbas defines déjà disparu as “the feeling that what is new and unique about the situation is always already gone, and we are left holding a handful of clichés, or a cluster of memories of what has never been.” It’s a concept that still has resonance today, in Hong Kong and abroad. Multimedia artist Adrian Wong explores it by playing with clichés in Hong Kong cinema and TV, filmmaker Jenny Suen cites Abbas as an influence for her film The White Girl, and the fictional tales of Dung Kai-cheung invoke certain sentiments of a futile grasping after that which eludes. “For all kinds of reasons, stories about Hong Kong have always been stories about elsewhere,” says Abbas. “So there wasn’t too much of an idea of the possibilities of local culture, the way they understood the local was that the local was a sort of limitation, if you are local then you are limited to something.” Wong Kar-wai’s work broke new ground, Abbas argues. The universal appeal of his films, and the way they invoke a sense of dislocation experienced in many big cities, depicted a Hong Kong that could be read without the context of its cultural and political specificities. “In Chungking Express, the local has a dislocated quality to it, and exactly because of that, the local has a kind of appeal to people elsewhere, so when they look at this local, it will reverberate to their own sense of local in other big cities,” he says. This d
  • “hyphenation,” which he applied to Hong Kong, which can be seen as a nation or culture without sovereignty, dependent on another place to survive. “Hong Kong is not a nation, it’s a hyphenation,” he says. “And I think hyphenation has changed its meaning a little bit. In ‘97, I thought that it was something that was a little bit peculiar to Hong Kong. Today, all nations are hyphenations.”
  • “People who want to serve the cause of Hong Kong should try to understand, it’s not a question of breaking away [from mainland China], it’s also a question of what the next step would be.
9 annotations
 books and literature 701
  • I don’t consider myself an intellectual in the strict sense of the word.  Intellect suggests an engagement with oneself and the world from the neck up, and says nothing about the heart and gut—those deep places of spirit and lived experience. In an essay, Said says, “Politics is everywhere; there can be no escape into the realms of pure art and thought or, for that matter, into the realm of disinterested objectivity or transcendental theory.” This quote rhymes with my experience as a youth worker in juvenile prisons and as an artist.  My western education has emphasized the cultivation of the mind and has paid little attention to the cultivation of my heart and emotion.  In my early years of doing this work, I’d enter spaces armed with the former, but quickly realized, while hearing stories of deep abuse, violence, and trauma, that I hadn’t done much soul work, that thing that moves beyond language and strikes at something richer; more alive.   I was forced to listen with my heart and also work through my own trauma.  I have since realized that in my art and community work, my mind has to serve my heart.  This begins with creating spaces where one can tell their own stories without judgment.
  • The Gift is in the Wound, Chee Malabar
  • “Politics is everywhere; there can be no escape into the realms of pure art and thought or, for that matter, into the realm of disinterested objectivity or transcendental theory.” This quote rhymes with my experience as a youth worker in juvenile prisons and as an artist.  My western education has emphasized the cultivation of the mind and has paid little attention to the cultivation of my heart and emotion.  In my early years of doing this work, I’d enter spaces armed with the former, but quickly realized, while hearing stories of deep abuse, violence, and trauma, that I hadn’t done much soul work, that thing that moves beyond language and strikes at something richer; more alive.   I was forced to listen with my heart and also work through my own trauma.  I have since realized that in my art and community work, my mind has to serve my heart.  This begins with creating spaces where one can tell their own stories without judgment. Stories are the fabric that cross cut and weave us together–when we are unable to tell our stories or don’t feel like we have permission to tell them, we suffer. In my work, I’m less interested in the political dialogues happening about laws, incarceration rates, etc.  Not that they are not important, but numbers are impersonal.  The incarceration numbers are gaudy and it becomes easy to be overwhelmed by them and set it aside out of its sheer size and breadth, but, when we are in spaces where we allow ourselves to hear and share stories, we become mirrors for each other and also witnesses to each other’s lives.   This has, I’ve found, a deeper impact on how we relate to each other whether we are within or apart from the dominant culture. The gift is in the wound.  If we begin to make our way toward the pain and trauma, we can discover our true gifts, that thing that we are meant to do and be in the world.  This was true I think for Edward Said, who explored his own personal wounds of exile and pain, and in doing so was able to open a gateway to the cultural trauma of many marginalized societies around the world.  His gift was his ability to give us a prism through which to view our shared global wounds.  Edward Said taught us that we all must be vigilant and continue to heal ourselves if we are to be mirrors for one another and co-create the type of world where we want to live.
3 annotations
 unrest and war 633
  • One of the things that I wrestle with in my own writing and thinking is, what, for my generation, is the political? What can it be? What is the relationship between the kinds of writing and thinking that I want to be engaged in and something that one might call a political intervention?
  • what Stuart Hall is for me is a particular style of thinking, and that style is generated out of a certain kind of experience of Jamaica, and central to that experience is displacement
  • an intuitive sense of the mediated character of existence and of theory-making which makes, to my mind, his way of thinking much more instructive than the actual content of the thinking itself
  • Stuart was born in 1932 in Kingston and therefore is a child at the beginnings of the nationalist project and of constitutional decolonization and is in fact a child when the very significant riots of 1938 break out.
  • When Stuart died there was something quite precipitous about the sense of his absence
  • I want to underline the sense in which this is an experience that many people have of Stuart: his ability to reflect back to you what you were trying to say, better than you could reflect on it yourself. It is that sense of being able to discern not just the superficial shapes of what you were trying to articulate but the motivations that were driving them. And to be attuned, therefore, to not just the cognitive but the affective in dialogical occasions. It was quite uncanny, and I think lots of people had this experience, of his way of being able to give you back, in his own language, and sometimes in yours, what you were trying to find apt ways of elaborating. So there was something about his way of suspending the need to overdrive the conversation with his own preoccupations. There was room enough to have his interlocutor’s concerns and modalities occupy discursive space. I say that in the context of the sense of Stuart’s largeness; he could fill up a room. But very often, the fullness of that room would not simply be his own articulation of his own views but his ability to mirror a variety of different concerns that were trying to find a floor in that space. That’s an enormous gift of intellectual intelligence. He was a learner, not just a giver. I want to call this listening. That listening wasn’t merely a way of giving back something from you for his own intelligibility and his own intelligence. And this underwrote his intuitive sensibility for change and changefulness, including his ability to change himself. I think that criticism, in its imperial character, in its sense of rightness, and its sense of righteousness, very often, too often, precludes those possibilities of listening and therefore learning.
  • this concern speaks to the sense in which the biography for me is a Jamaican story
  • I am in the middle of worrying around what Edward Said might have called the problem of beginnings. How to begin the biography, how to get it going, because you know in the getting going, there’s a lot about the arc to come that has already been inscribed. But beyond that I don’t actually know what to say about it. Even the question of form, even though I say it will be conventionally a life, I don’t know what that means. There is a large concern that I have now, and that I’ve had for a number of years, about the very idea of “a life,” and what it means to think in relation to life, and the uncertain ways in which one’s intellectual being is intimately connected to one’s life forms, and how to write that relation out in ways that are nonreductive and that give a sense of the plenitude of life, and not only of the plenitude but also of the finitude.
  • absence
  • What thinking is for him is something that I find very significant and very poignant—poignant in the sense that there is something passionate about it—in that it lends itself simultaneously to a concrete and abstract dimension, an intervention while still being reflexive.
  • there’s not a hard-and-fast distinction between a critical self and a listening self, but I want to hold onto the distinction insofar as it may oblige us to pause and reflect on dimensions of intellectual life that are often supplanted by the arrogance of criticism
11 annotations
  • review the important insights feminists have brought to bear on the cultural constructions of materiality
  • paradigm shifts, boundaries, technology and the evolution of sexual difference.
  • the culture of matter
  • Social constructionism
  • women have, historically, been marginalized from all processes of scientific endeavour, which, coupled with the supposedly different ways that women view and engage with the world, has prompted female scientists to approach scientific questions from a less mainstream and more creative perspective
  • sexual difference
  • matter of culture
  • that which is compelled through discourse to 'be' sexual difference.
  • This paper presents a review of the diverse ways in which feminism has explored the cultural constructions of materiality.
  • concepts such as 'the body', 'sex' and 'technology' are used within much feminist sexual difference theory as a metaphor for nature or materiality
  • egan to use science as a key source of evidence for 'solutions to increasing questions about sexual and racial equality'
  • feminist science studies,
  • theories of science as social knowledge
  • cultural need to support sexual dimorphism
  • These feminist critiques pivot on a re-interpretation of scientific 'facts' as cultural productions
  • discussion of discourse and text erases the materiality of the doer
  • in so doing, to repeat the cultural turn
  • theories of materiality
  • culture of matter
  • institutionalization of sexual differences
  • during the eighteenth century
  • possibility of a distinct female epistemology of science
  • eco-feminism
  • relation between nature, science and technology
  • the impact bio-technologies might have on conceptualizations of embodiment and materiality.
  • the 'social construction of science' (Keller 1989: 34)
  • the body' does not actually signify materiality in its own right, but in fact re- signifies culture.
  • prior to the eighteenth century, women and men were considered to share one morphological body
  • Barbara Marshall's similarly engaging work on the creation of sexual difference through medical notions of 'sexual dysfunction' makes for fascinating, if disturbing, reading (Marshall 2001)
  • the modern medico-psychiatric response to intersex operates a self-referential process of creating, reflecting and re-inscribing sexual dimorphism and heterosexuality onto the body
  • discussions of 'matter' are socially mediated.
  • while feminism has cast light on social and cultural meanings of sexual difference, there seems to be a hesitation to delve into the actual physical processes through which differentiation and change take place
32 annotations
  • All efforts to render politics aesthetic culminate in one thing: war. War and war only can set a goal for mass movements on the largest scale while respecting the traditional property system. This is the political formula for the situation. The technological formula may be stated as follows: Only war makes it possible to mobilize all of today’s technical resources while maintaining the property system.
  • The growing proletarianization of modern man and the increasing formation of masses are two aspects of the same process. Fascism attempts to organize the newly created proletarian masses without affecting the property structure which the masses strive to eliminate. Fascism sees its salvation in giving these masses not their right, but instead a chance to express themselves. The masses have a right to change property relations; Fascism seeks to give them an expression while preserving property. The logical result of Fascism is the introduction of aesthetics into political life. The violation of the masses, whom Fascism, with its Führer cult, forces to their knees, has its counterpart in the violation of an apparatus which is pressed into the production of ritual values.
  • Even the most perfect reproduction of a work of art is lacking in one element: its presence in time and space, its unique existence at the place where it happens to be.
  • The presence of the original is the prerequisite to the concept of authenticity.
  • what is really jeopardized when the historical testimony is affected is the authority of the object.
  • The whole sphere of authenticity is outside technical – and, of course, not only technical – reproducibility
  • The authenticity of a thing is the essence of all that is transmissible from its beginning, ranging from its substantive duration to its testimony to the history which it has experienced.
  • the technique of reproduction detaches the reproduced object from the domain of tradition
  • One might subsume the eliminated element in the term “aura” and go on to say: that which withers in the age of mechanical reproduction is the aura of the work of art.
  • The adjustment of reality to the masses and of the masses to reality is a process of unlimited scope, as much for thinking as for perception.
  • To pry an object from its shell, to destroy its aura, is the mark of a perception whose “sense of the universal equality of things” has increased to such a degree that it extracts it even from a unique object by means of reproduction. Thus is manifested in the field of perception what in the theoretical sphere is noticeable in the increasing importance of statistics.
  • social significance, particularly in its most positive form, is inconceivable without its destructive, cathartic aspect, that is, the liquidation of the traditional value of the cultural heritage.
  • The manner in which human sense perception is organized, the medium in which it is accomplished, is determined not only by nature but by historical circumstances as well.
  • the existence of the work of art with reference to its aura is never entirely separated from its ritual function. In other words, the unique value of the “authentic” work of art has its basis in ritual, the location of its original use value.
  • mechanical reproduction emancipates the work of art from its parasitical dependence on ritual. To an ever greater degree the work of art reproduced becomes the work of art designed for reproducibility.
  • But the instant the criterion of authenticity ceases to be applicable to artistic production, the total function of art is reversed. Instead of being based on ritual, it begins to be based on another practice – politics.
  • cult value
  • exhibition value
  • man has to operate with his whole living person, yet forgoing its aura. For aura is tied to his presence; there can be no replica of it.
  • The painter maintains in his work a natural distance from reality, the cameraman penetrates deeply into its web. There is a tremendous difference between the pictures they obtain.
  • “The film actor,” wrote Pirandello, “feels as if in exile – exiled not only from the stage but also from himself. With a vague sense of discomfort he feels inexplicable emptiness: his body loses its corporeality, it evaporates, it is deprived of reality, life, voice, and the noises caused by his moving about, in order to be changed into a mute image, flickering an instant on the screen, then vanishing into silence .... The projector will play with his shadow before the public, and he himself must be content to play before the camera.”
  • The film responds to the shriveling of the aura with an artificial build-up of the “personality” outside the studio. The cult of the movie star, fostered by the money of the film industry, preserves not the unique aura of the person but the “spell of the personality,” the phony spell of a commodity.
  • for contemporary man the representation of reality by the film is incomparably more significant than that of the painter, since it offers, precisely because of the thoroughgoing permeation of reality with mechanical equipment, an aspect of reality which is free of all equipment.
  • By close-ups of the things around us, by focusing on hidden details of familiar objects, by exploring common place milieus under the ingenious guidance of the camera, the film, on the one hand, extends our comprehension of the necessities which rule our lives; on the other hand, it manages to assure us of an immense and unexpected field of action.
  • With the close-up, space expands; with slow motion, movement is extended. The enlargement of a snapshot does not simply render more precise what in any case was visible, though unclear: it reveals entirely new structural formations of the subject.
  • The painting invites the spectator to contemplation; before it the spectator can abandon himself to his associations. Before the movie frame he cannot do so. No sooner has his eye grasped a scene than it is already changed. It cannot be arrested.
  • the camera intervenes with the resources of its lowerings and liftings, its interruptions and isolations, it extensions and accelerations, its enlargements and reductions. The camera introduces us to unconscious optics as does psychoanalysis to unconscious impulses
  • Our taverns and our metropolitan streets, our offices and furnished rooms, our railroad stations and our factories appeared to have us locked up hopelessly. Then came the film and burst this prison-world asunder by the dynamite of the tenth of a second, so that now, in the midst of its far-flung ruins and debris, we calmly and adventurously go traveling.
  • In the decline of middle-class society, contemplation became a school for asocial behavior; it was countered by distraction as a variant of social conduct.
  • Duhamel, who detests the film and knows nothing of its significance, though something of its structure, notes this circumstance as follows: “I can no longer think what I want to think. My thoughts have been replaced by moving images.”
  • the masses seek distraction whereas art demands concentration from the spectator. That is a commonplace.
  • The distracted person, too, can form habits. More, the ability to master certain tasks in a state of distraction proves that their solution has become a matter of habit. Distraction as provided by art presents a covert control of the extent to which new tasks have become soluble by apperception. Since, moreover, individuals are tempted to avoid such tasks, art will tackle the most difficult and most important ones where it is able to mobilize the masses.
  • The film makes the cult value recede into the background not only by putting the public in the position of the critic, but also by the fact that at the movies this position requires no attention. The public is an examiner, but an absent-minded one.
  • Instead of draining rivers, society directs a human stream into a bed of trenches
  • shocks, should be cushioned by heightened presence of mind.
  • The horrible features of imperialistic warfare are attributable to the discrepancy between the tremendous means of production and their inadequate utilization in the process of production – in other words, to unemployment and the lack of markets
  • This is evidently the consummation of “l’art pour l’art.” Mankind, which in Homer’s time was an object of contemplation for the Olympian gods, now is one for itself. Its self-alienation has reached such a degree that it can experience its own destruction as an aesthetic pleasure of the first order.
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